Nfl Anthem Controversy Begs the Question Does the Left Ever Want to Win Elections Again

Whatever given weekend, being allowed to enter the Vintage Lounge seems highly probable, and so long every bit you are 21 years of historic period and follow the rules of the sign on the door: no brawl caps and no beanies, no loose-plumbing equipment T-shirts or oversized T-shirts, no amorphous pants or baggy shorts, and no saggy pants and no saggy shorts and no sleeveless shirts and no biker vests and no sportswear. The Vintage Lounge is not open on Sundays.

Staring at the affiche in the street-facing window here, wondering which clothes are left to wear, I motion my hand from up almost my heart downwardly into my shorts pocket, grasping for Tanya's business carte du jour. Yes, just three hours ago I ate cheese grits in a West Oakland breakfast haunt called Brown Carbohydrate Kitchen, and yes, the cooks were brown and the servers were brown, and yes, "Harvest For The Globe" past The Isley Brothers was stuck in my head, and yes, the possessor was a blackness adult female named Tanya who had given me a hug because my friend Ryan is her friend Ryan, and yeah, the eatery was on a parkway named later on Nelson Mandela—aye, this had all just happened, just this morning time, I was certain of it. Just grasping reality doesn't brand it any easier to see this sign of the times, during this very moment. In the summer of 2017, following the 2016 that so many endured, to be surprised by bigotry masquerading every bit the rules of the game, every bit tradition, is to be harmfully naive.

But if you stop paying attention, even for a moment, you can still get defenseless with your guard down. Hither in America, in the year 2017.

Those grits and smiles and hugs moisturized all five senses as I drove from Oakland to San Francisco 49ers training camp in Santa Clara, and so deep into the body of Northern California—to a town yous're simply e'er in for a reason, a place called Turlock. I had come up here, having taken notation of interactions with dozens of friends and confidantes, following months of unsuccessfully waiting for a sit-down, to gather more perspective on the boondocks'southward most famous consign: a 29-yr-old named Colin Kaepernick.

I park my Kia Soul rental—as appropriately basic as it is blindingly white—on Master Street, across from a hair and boom salon called Paulished, which is promoting a "Botox Party" to accept place in 3 weeks, from six to eight in the evening. The party includes something known equally a Juvederm Filler, priced at $475 a syringe, the discussion "syringe" sitting to the left of the edifice's American flag. I stroll beyond town, quickly beginning to capeesh its charm, listening. Songs by Train and The Band Perry play through speakers attached to downtown telephone posts. I had never considered a boondocks having a soundtrack, only Turlock certainly has one. "You Found Me" by The Fray whispers above the street, and I near allow the soft stone anesthetize me into giving this boondocks the benefit of my doubt. Walking around, sipping an iced latte, I can understand how someone could live here, almost without a care in the globe.

Suddenly, I see another blackness man in Turlock. I hope he'll look up from his book so I can catch his centre—and then we tin do the nod thing—simply he never does. Was that "another," or was that the other black man in this town? My hand is back inside my pocket at present, busily searching for Tanya'south concern menu. It's gone, as is the charm this street once oozed. Yep, this is a good boondocks, and yes, it is filled with good people—fine people—only this is not the full story; like any strong family with a reputation to maintain and everything to lose, they will put their fingers in their ears, in an endeavour to erase their secrets and hide their pasts.

Snapping back into consciousness, the want to uncover the truth becomes addictive—the process telescopic—so I go along walking and detect Jura'southward Pizza Parlor, which used to display a red 49ers bailiwick of jersey, autographed past the hero of Turlock, in its largest dining expanse. The number 7 hangs upstairs and around the corner now, easy to miss in a higher place an arcade claw auto.

The It'll Grow Back barbershop in Turlock, before the kneel.

The It'll Grow Back barbershop in Turlock, before the kneel. "I've all the same got a Kaepernick bailiwick of jersey up," says a longtime family friend. "And if anyone wants to make a negative comment about it, feel free. I frankly don't give a shit." (Photograph by Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

Farther downwardly Main Street, by the Vintage Lounge and inside Hauck's Grill, a signed KAEPERNICK jersey is even so mounted in the main seating surface area. To the left of the bar, in a frame, a collage—the football histrion'southward smiling is identical in each photo, Captain America-perfect, atop his sculpted build, like it was on the cover of GQ, the September issue, in 2013. As well in the frame, a ticket for the 21st Annual Mayor'due south Prayer Breakfast viii months later, during which Mayor John Lazar refers to the 49ers quarterback as "our favorite son" while presenting Colin Kaepernick, shut-shaven in a brown sport coat, with the key to the city. He was loved, in one case.

Hither in Turlock, he absorbed every survival skill necessary to live phenomenally among white people, so expertly that they brainstorm to make assumptions—not that you recollect you're white, simply that you've stopped concerning yourself with That Race Stuff, that yous are finally content. It is a commonly unfair expectation thrown upon many an agreeable non-white person in a white infinite in America. But as a black man with a black biological father and a white biological female parent, adopted by loving white parents who raised him in a bulk white boondocks to get a star three-sport athlete, a God-fearing Christian and a model citizen, this went well beyond the experience of a privileged American jock. This was a unique finesse, somewhere between Orenthal and Obama.

"I've said what I meant," old President Barack Obama told me once, with a tone. "I might not say it the manner I say it if I'm on the basketball game court with some of my buddies. But the trajectory of what I've said, what I care nearly effectually policy, I haven't had to bite my natural language."

Colin Kaepernick was treated so well in Turlock, he had an out: Just deny you take a tongue to bite. Don't be blackness; but be Colin. Why get the difficult route of being the loud fly in the buttermilk? Chances are that fly drowns, after all.

The Kaepernick family in Turlock, before the NFL.

The Kaepernick family unit in Turlock, earlier the NFL. "He was always very cordial, but he was e'er very introverted," says the journalist who broke the national canticle story. "But then—wow, this is different." (Photo courtesy of the Turlock Periodical)

In 1958, two years after the Montgomery Bus Boycott ended, James Baldwin described the silent indignation he witnessed watching black bus riders sit where they pleased: "The whites, beneath their cold hostility, were mystified and deeply hurt. They had been betrayed by the Negroes, non merely because the Negroes had declined to remain in their 'place,' but because the Negroes had refused to exist controlled by the town'south epitome of them. And, without this prototype, it seemed to me, the whites were abruptly and totally lost. The very foundations of their individual and public worlds were being destroyed."

And so when Colin Kaepernick knelt during the national anthem, people here in his hometown were angry—people were aroused all over the damn identify. Sure, their emotions were tied upwards in diverse tendrils of patriotism, but many of them felt burned, duped, hoodwinked, bamboozled. Settling upwardly my tab, the Hauck's Grill bartender says: "I mean, I don't know what information technology is, why he's got this big head at present. When he was in college, he was a gunslinger. And he came out, they went to that Super Bowl against the Ravens. And he blew information technology. He blew it, man."

To many white Americans—either irate or disgusted—that is the convenient mail service-expose history of Colin Kaepernick'south twelvemonth adrift, the narrative that keeps their world spinning on its ever-precarious axis: one time a hero, now bad, previously talented, so lost the Niners the Super Bowl, recently radicalized, currently hates the U.s.. And when you add together it all upward, the solution to the equation: He never existed. It is indeed a drastic change to have happened, at such a murmur, in such a short period of fourth dimension. For a hero to disappear, after the opportunity of a lifetime—consummate acceptance by white America—and with that afro, on that knee, in front of all these people, during blond-haired Jesus Christ's favorite vocal, for the black man to turn all these people down. But these are desperate, flatulent times.

Listen closer, though. Call back everything that has happened to him in these past 12 months, and everything that he has done—a courageous witness in this hostile world. Pay attending to the black and brown people speaking privately with him when he was silent. Have annotation of the black people, adjustment his silence to their public lambasts. Watch, as white people go on the hallowed tradition of undermining a blackness person with conviction, unafraid. And contemplate what information technology all means, that people of all backgrounds take taken to the streets to protestation his absence from the current NFL season, on his behalf.

You can't help but feel for this place—America, approaching its 250th year overdue for rehab, damned by the denial that its past is straight responsible for this country's bug in the present. Yous feel bad for Colin likewise, of course, driven abroad from the game that he loves, the game he was willing to take a chance information technology all for. Simply correct now, even and especially if you don't care about the injury condition of starting quarterbacks and the inexperience of their backups, y'all will realize that the least important important issue is Colin Kaepernick's employment. This is bigger than him, which is something Colin seems to empathize, but and so many of us forget. And fifty-fifty if his leadership was clumsy at first, right now he is very much built for this, the life that he has brought upon himself, that he has imposed upon his home, that he has forced upon America.

The real question which faces the Republic is but how long, how tearing, and how expensive the funeral is going to be...

—James Baldwin, 1961

"You know when yous're hooping, and somebody's talking shit?"

I couldn't wait to hear where this story was going. This was Ameer Loggins on the other line, the Ph.D. candidate at the University of California, Berkeley, known to his people as Left. He was gearing up to make a signal virtually his friend Colin Kaepernick, to whom he'd given guidance for some time, specially over the concluding year, with whom he'd traveled throughout Africa for a trip virtually people know but from an Instagram postal service.

"Or you're talking shit, and yous want to get in their caput? So you attempt to figure out, What angle can I apply?"

I was loving this—1 moment talking almost Critical Race Theory, and in the next, making fun of racist white dudes and calling out opportunistic black folk past name. It was like talking to Dick Gregory, and and so talking to Dick Gregory once again.

"And so you're like, That'south why your ass can't go right—you ain't got no fucking jumper! You're but trying to effigy something out. Just throwing shit out at that place, hoping something sticks. That's what they're doing to Colin, to try and break his silence. Every week, they're hellbent on trying to throw something out at that place to egg homie to speak out, to lash out. It keeps them relevant. They're nervous."

After spending the terminate of 2016 speaking on the record—vacillating between composure, piece of work-in-progress and nah—Colin went considerably tranquility (aside from social media posts), leaving us with months (and months, and months) of opinions, and speculation, and bearding statements, and conspiratorial conjecture about his motives and his future: Was he the leader of a movement? Just a cause of it? Or was Colin in fact the movement itself?

Information technology took an aerial photograph, tweeted past a beat author, to kick-start a movement. It's a bit like Where'south Waldo?, merely this is the artifact, from Baronial 2016, during Colin'south tertiary act of silent activism—his publicly black baptism—that started the avalanche of shit, the longed-for tidal wave of justice.

The first time the public noticed Colin sitting, on August 26, 2016, which led to a season of kneeling.

The starting time time the public noticed Colin sitting, on August 26, 2016, which led to a flavor of kneeling. (Photographs past Jennifer Lee Chan / NinersNation.com [left]; Michael Zagaris/San Francisco 49ers via Getty Images [right])

Subsequently the game, Colin told the media he declined to stand for "The Star-Spangled Banner" to protest both connected law brutality and the overall oppression of black people and other people of color. Overnight, this sitting on a metal bench rivaled the Us presidential ballot for public attending, both the inane and the intelligent. The rabid trajectory continued when other players joined him in kneeling closer to the sideline, closer to the gigantic American flags—on his team, and then on opposing teams, and and then in not-49ers games, and and so in non-NFL professional sports, and then in non-professional sports.

With each passing game, Colin continued to make statements, with his words and his actions. He said he'd donate $1 meg of his salary to various organizations. (With another $100,000 pledged on the outset 24-hour interval of the 2017-xviii NFL flavor, to organizations focused on supporting the homeless and lobbying for clearing rights and supporting young baseball game players and catastrophe child incarceration, he nearly has.) He addressed simulated rumors that he was Muslim. (Which were spread by people who treat that equally an insult.) "I don't want to kneel forever," he said, but he likewise knew change doesn't happen "overnight." He received expiry threats, only he also wore socks with police officers depicted every bit pigs. (He'd been practicing in the socks for weeks.) "Cops are being given paid leave for killing people," Colin said out loud. "That's not right. That's non correct by anyone's standards."

All of this happened in just two months, between August fourteen and October 14.

The land was divided. To discuss Colin was to selection sides, loudly, on and off the field. In i moment, you had 49ers fans chanting Nosotros desire Kap! during the fifth game of the team's already abysmal season; a week later, at a Donald Trump rally in Green Bay, portions of the oversupply chanted Kaepernick is a bum! At a rally in Greeley, Colorado, Trump claimed NFL ratings were down because of politics, but too because of Colin Kaepernick. The side by side week, Colin had the best first-half performance past a 49ers quarterback since Steve Young in 1997. It was a breakout game, one that should take been widely discussed. But information technology wasn't. Because 2 days later, Trump won the presidency, after an election in which Colin chose not to vote.

"The nuclear selection has never benefited us," DeRay Mckesson, the activist who showtime spoke with Colin in 2016, years after his own stint as White Supremacy's Public Enemy No. ane, tells me. "And when Colin went nuclear on the election, it was just like, You're not performing blackness, because that's not fair to you lot—simply yous are merely starting to empathize everything in play."

The day after Trump won, Colin said he

The 24-hour interval afterward Trump won, Colin said he "really didn't pay too close of attention" to the election, alluding to both candidates as indistinguishable: "It's another confront that's going to be the face up of that arrangement of oppression." (Photographs by Getty Images)

By March of this year, Colin had opted out of his contract with San Francisco (he was going to be cutting if he didn't, according to the 49ers general manager) and had grown quiet—about football. On March xx, obviously citing a column in Bleacher Report, Trump bragged "that NFL owners don't want to pick him up because they don't want to go a nasty tweet from Donald Trump. Exercise you lot believe that? I just saw that. I just saw that."

Believe this: When the Seattle Seahawks full general director reached out to his people on May 12, Colin had been working out five days a week, sometimes more. The Seahawks flew him out 11 days later, only did not accept him pick up a ball. It seemed similar a great fit: a playoff squad, a progressive city, teammates who had followed his anthem lead and spoken out about politics and criminal justice. But would that cause a rift in the locker room, with politically agile players feeling more aligned to their politically active fill-in than their notoriously silent starter, Russell Wilson? Was this the type of "distraction" teams feared?

One person familiar with NFL team dynamics stressed to me the importance of coaches finding allies and leaders within the criminal offense and defense force, simply also among the white players and black players. This person, a white man, says that the problems surrounding Colin'south NFL unemployment aren't as circuitous equally the media has made them out to be—that teams feared he would further complicate the already strained race relations in whatsoever locker room in the National Football game League. That Race Stuff was already a thing, apparently.

Steve Wyche, the black NFL Network journalist who broke the anthem story into the open up, tells me he believes the exact opposite to be true: "It seems to me that, the more the conversations that accept place, information technology'due south get less polarizing. I'm not saying Colin Kaepernick would work in every locker room, but that's with any role player—who knows if Aaron Rodgers would work in every locker room, or Russell Wilson? Just I can only say that, in San Francisco last year, Colin Kaepernick was not a divisive element in the locker room. His teammates accepted him. It wasn't a lark."

One year after Colin's protest began, Chris Long of the Philadelphia Eagles joined his teammate Malcolm Jenkins during the national anthem.

One year after Colin's protest began, Chris Long of the Philadelphia Eagles joined his teammate Malcolm Jenkins during the national anthem. "Part of being an activist," says the head of the Ross Initiative in Sports for Equality, "is existence prepared to be attacked or disliked for taking a position—it involves risk." (Photograph by Getty Images)

These two football insiders highlight the reality inside white American culture: a crippling fear of the potential for discomfort, coupled with an insecure relationship alongside the unknown. As much because of his protest, then, as what his mere presence represents—the truth—Colin became a liability. And even among those who espouse a desire for equality, nearly would rather hope for progress to materialize from a comfortable distance, for us all to just shout "unity" at the same time, than exist inconvenienced with the hard-hitting reality of our past.

Three days after a public vote of confidence in the controversial would-be backup from head autobus Pete Carroll, the Seahawks signed quarterback Austin Davis, who had previously lost his job to Johnny "Football game" Manziel, a quarterback with 7 career passing touchdowns and seven career interceptions.

When 49ers general manager John Lynch spoke out on July one, he insisted Colin "brand a compelling example as to how bad he wants to be in the league." It was a convenient campaign to proceed, both couched in business organization and dripping with deflection, that would go out Colin Kaepernick asking—begging—for a task. Through this lens, it's easy to assume that'due south how players typically become piece of work—past showing repentance, then things can go back to normal.

When y'all are a minority and refute the notion that you lot were charitably allowed into a club—that y'all were being washed a favor, not that you earned information technology—you will exist punished, until it has been determined that you lot have learned your lesson. This has long been sport for white America, long before football. Slavery was for sport. Laws laced in hatred and hypocrisy were for sport. The invisible ceilings and roadblocks and hurdles—sport. The real tradition of this country is a testing of the limits of people of color, to see how far we can be pushed until nosotros either give up (and requite in) or fight back (and die).

The remaining pick—to persist—is the 1 that has always been inconvenient for white America. Colin Kaepernick is inconvenient. To persist is to show force, but also to be unpredictable, hard to ascertain, impossible to control. And to grow stronger with every lash is to become dangerous—a threat non only to power, but to inspire others to follow conform. Leaders of colour in this land take long been mythologized past white America when they teach their own to thrive within the confines of electric current rules, non when they demand that every dominion be called into question. "In many ways, he is the quintessential sacrificial lamb," Loggins says of his friend. "And nosotros're just trying to non let him get sacrificed."

But Colin kept his cool and, thankfully, has still non learned his lesson. Because of that, he withal does non take a task in the National Football League. Simply when the 2017 preseason began, Michael Bennett saturday with a towel over his shoulders, during the national anthem. And Malcolm Jenkins raised a fist, during the national canticle. And, yes, the white defensive cease Chris Long put an arm on Jenkins' shoulder, during the national anthem, a song written by Francis Scott Primal—a slave owner past inheritance—the song containing a 3rd poesy that'southward equally racist as about everything else created before 1865.

Colin with Michael Bennett at the Hot 97 studios in June.

Colin with Michael Bennett at the Hot 97 studios in June. "To exist able to constantly endeavor to get support from players and the league, it's always a hard affair," Bennett says now. "I call up it's more than about trying to create opportunities and create more activeness and get people out in the communities and try to make change." (Photo courtesy of Know Your Rights Camp)

Colin Kaepernick was gone, but he was not forgotten.

I might not get there with y'all.
Just it really doesn't thing with me now.
I don't mind.

Martin Luther King Jr. knew his fight was goose egg, if it started and ended with him. And while Kaepernick is no Rex, he may similarly not finish the fight that he began, on the field. Merely brainstorm it, did he always. It's a business, the NFL, well behind the American professional person basketball leagues in terms of activism. The WNBA in 2016 became center stage for bold statements about race and policing—on the court, in the locker room, through social media. And not just from the black players, only from total teams. Afterwards threatening fines to teams and individual players for speaking their minds, WNBA president Lisa Borders said the league was rescinding its punishment "to testify them fifty-fifty more back up." And in the NBA, just this August subsequently the unrest in Charlottesville, LeBron James acknowledged that he "has a voice of control" and used it to call Trump "the so-chosen president." The most famous athlete in the world said: "It'south nearly all of united states of america looking in the mirror and saying: What can we exercise better to help change?"

NFL players needed Kaepernick to defibrillate the notoriously fossilized league. And they are, with a new grouping of leaders ready to acquit—carrying—his torch on the sidelines, sparked by the endless news cycle of racially motivated violence, of ethnic discrimination, of immigrant fearmongering. Jocelyn Benson, CEO of the Ross Initiative in Sports for Equality, sees the sheer number of players yet employed by the NFL—70 percent of whom are blackness, as of this time concluding year—every bit an activist advantage. "You're going to run into a diversity of tactics, opinions, priorities," she tells me, "and it's great to see these players expand in the number of ways they're using their vocalization to advance modify."

That was where this story was going, a yr after Colin first sat during the canticle. And then, on the eve of a nerve-wracked new flavor, video surfaced of Bennett pinned down past a police officeholder every bit he screams, declaring innocence. The same Seahawks histrion who had sat during the national canticle—who planned to keep sitting, who was "not going to be continuing until I see the equality and freedom"—was at present on the other side—on the sidewalk—as an alleged victim.

"I don't think this is going to end," Wyche, who spoke to Bennett before the kickoff of the regular flavor, tells me. "As much as the constabulary killings of Philando Castile and Michael Chocolate-brown inspired Kaepernick and this commencement wave of people to protestation, Charlottesville was kind of a trip wire for a lot of other players—and at present, with the state of affairs with Michael Bennett in Las Vegas, I just think information technology'south going to crank things up even more."

He was right. Because four days afterwards in Light-green Bay, I knelt in front of Bennett, both towering and soft-spoken, following a Seahawks loss to the Packers, before which he saturday during the national canticle. The public back up for his ongoing protest, Bennett told me, "has motivated me to proceed going—go along pushing."

The fact that King actually loves the people he represents and has—therefore—no hidden, interior demand to hate the white people who oppose him has had and will, I think, continue to have the well-nigh far-reaching and unpredictable repercussions on our racial situation.

—James Baldwin on Martin Luther Male monarch Jr., 1961

"In that location'due south a lot going on, intelligence-wise, between his ears, that some people but don't seem to give him credit for. He was real serious about things, he wanted to be the best—it was probably always in that location."

A longtime friend of the Kaepernick family unit from Turlock was off to the races, telling me Colin's life story. There was a calm in his voice when he stuck to the facts, only the apprehension of small-town pressure arose when he waded into the waters of stance, even as he spoke with unshakable pride. He told me near how, growing up, Colin had been recognized less for football game than for baseball. (He once threw a no-hitter, with pneumonia, and was drafted past the Cubs.) The friend told me how, growing upwards, Colin loved Brett Favre. (He had a No. 4 jersey.)

The family unit friend's excitement was a reminder of who Colin in one case was—before he really was on his own, before he really had fame, earlier he really had money, before he'd been championed, misrepresented and villainized, in front of an unabridged nation—equally a boy in Turlock, California; as an educated fellow in Reno, Nevada; and who Colin nonetheless may be, every bit an activist in New York City.

Colin wasn't simply another star quarterback; he was his school's first star. John H. Pitman High had been in beingness for simply four years when, in 2004, he won the town'southward football rivalry game against Turlock High, the Harvest Bowl. He won information technology again the next yr and, after an banana football coach at the University of Nevada watched Colin excel in a Pitman basketball game while running a 102-degree fever, headed to Reno on a football scholarship.

Colin led Nevada to a 13-1 record his senior year, including what his coach called

Colin led Nevada to a 13-one record his senior year, including what his coach called "the greatest victory this academy has ever had." But his education went well beyond the field. (Photograph by AP Images)

His football game success began a trajectory to the NFL. (He as well won the Wolf Pack's "Firewoman Award" for stepping up to replace the injured starting quarterback as a freshman.) Simply at nether 4 percent black (the metropolis of Turlock, according to the 2010 demography, is 1.7 percent black), the University of Nevada-Reno was Colin'due south Black Mecca. Here, he plant black people, simply also physical spaces, like the Center for Educatee and Cultural Diverseness, to be comfortably black.

Every bit a junior in 2010, much later than nigh and rarely for a quarterback at the university, Colin joined a historically black fraternity, Kappa Alpha Psi. He pledged, alongside his teammate Brandon Marshall—currently a linebacker on the Denver Broncos—who knelt for the anthem terminal season, lost ii endorsements and continued to kneel. Joining a blackness Greek letter organization at a primarily white higher is an act of resistance—it's fringe, it's typically exclusionary and, most dangerously, it's founded in pride through a lens unconcerned with white America. These are the decisions that make you disruptive, that make you hard to be controlled, that can prepare yous to exist, comfortably, in both a black and white world, unafraid of both blackness and white people. Turlock did not see this, and neither did football fans.

"He still talks to us, he's still our friend, we'll get out to his house and hang out with him," Gregory Elliott, a sophomore Kappa at the University of Nevada, told the school'south website during the 49ers' Super Bowl run in 2012. "I do see him as a positive figure to young black men and immature men in general, just to show what difficult work tin exercise, and how a person can persevere through life."

If you become so engulfed in the present, information technology'southward like shooting fish in a barrel to forget but how immense the popularity of Colin Kaepernick was, once. During that Super Bowl run—after 49ers quarterback Alex Smith went downward with a concussion and Kaepernick stepped in, and showed out—"Kaepernicking" became a thing, an antecedent of the dab, only with the added flair of a kiss to the bicep. GQ deemed him the most stylish histrion in the league. He became a very visible spokesman for Beats and secured an endorsement with Electronic Arts. He was likable, but he also exuded a confidence many took as flash without substance, the undertone being that Colin was dumb, that his motives were non to be trusted. His array of tattoos (they're mostly religious) led one columnist to write: "NFL quarterback is the ultimate position of influence and responsibility—he is the CEO of a high-profile organization, and y'all don't want your CEO to await similar he just got paroled." Colin was a target.

Colin exuded confidence that many took as flash without substance.

Colin exuded confidence that many took every bit flash without substance. "Backside the scenes," says his friend Ameer Loggins, "people want to discredit Colin by manner of affixing him to the stigma of the black athlete as being dumb." (Photograph by Getty Images)

The 2014 NFC Championship Game was an important game, culturally, in football—two immature blackness quarterbacks were vying to make the Super Bowl—just it was as well meaningful, in the way their being—and assumed values—were pitted confronting each other equally archetypes. In that location was the side-by-side comparison of their Instagram photos, with captions outlining the "proficient" (Russell Wilson) and the "bad" (Colin Kaepernick). There was the caption pointing to Wilson "Hanging Out With His All-time Fans," and then a "Hanging Out With His Best Friends" side by side to an prototype of Kaepernick with clothes and shoes, some of which bore his likeness. There was Wilson, hanging out with a dog, next to Kaepernick, hanging out with J. Cole in what appeared to be the club. A Russell Wilson charity effect, next to Colin Kaepernick with a individual jet. And Wilson, in military fatigues, with the explanation "Semper Fi"—next to Colin Kaepernick, Kaepernicking, with the caption "Semper Sigh." With today's thirst for polarity, this went viral, manifestly.

In just a thing of years, Russell Wilson had become, on the surface, Turlock Kaepernick, while Colin floated into territory nosotros'd never seen before—that of the black athlete who could simultaneously absorb the stereotype of a black "thug" and a white "bro." During this moment, he was sandwiched between two Seahawks, Wilson and Richard Sherman, who was beingness labeled a thug, with people coming to a defense of Sherman'due south grapheme by fashion of "he went to Stanford." Suddenly, the only ane who didn't fit into a convenient slot was Colin Kaepernick.

Unless he was your team's quarterback, it was easy to not buy into the public brand Colin was edifice. I certainly didn't. But I also ached for him, a tough reminder of the reality of existence biracial in this country: While often seen as a privilege, because information technology oftentimes is, it can often feel similar y'all are homeless.

Colin was navigating life in the public eye, and most of the judgments surrounding him were based on what you saw, publicly. Just the reserved boyfriend, that curious guy from The Center in Reno, he never left. And in that location is yet—or is however to be—another side of Colin Kaepernick. If cocky-discovery and black pride and education are office of one's past, do not be surprised when they are a part of one's future.

They were both very distinguished and promising young people, which means that they were also tense, self-conscious, and insecure. They were inevitably cut off from the majority of the Negro community and their role amongst whites had to be somewhat cryptic, for they were not beingness judged merely every bit themselves—or, anyway, they could scarcely beget to recall and then. They were responsible for the good name of all the Negro people.

—James Baldwin, on the early on courting of Martin Luther King Jr. and Coretta Scott

"I like smart, intelligent, proficient-hearted—a woman that's gonna stand up upwards for something. Is that you?"

This was 45 days before we first elected Obama, and the rapper Common was answering a question, out in the Bay Area, nearly why information technology'south important for "united states youngsters" to vote, from the on-air personality—the life force—Nessa Diab. But she just goes past Nessa. And you don't fuck with Nessa.

Nessa, the DJ, prodded the banter. "Does that attract you to a woman, if she goes and votes?" But the earnestness was truthful: "I recall it's important that we hear it from y'all," she told Common. "Celebrities always make an bear upon on the youngsters." Nessa, the activist, brought upward his pledge to end using "nigga" and anti-gay lyrics in his songs.

While her future boyfriend, Colin Kaepernick, was still in college, passing and running for touchdowns and simply beginning to scratch the surface of his identity, Nessa was already in the early stages of an accomplished career in radio, questioning famous people about who they were, really, or wanted to be. At 20 years quondam, she had earned political science and mass communications degrees from Berkeley. She had feel—exposure—in politics and culture by the time she began dating Colin in 2015, at age 31, while splitting her time between MTV and the legendary New York radio station, Hot 97.

Colin backstage with his partner at Hot 97's Summer Jam, in the stadium where the Jets and Giants play.

Colin backstage with his partner at Hot 97's Summertime Jam, in the stadium where the Jets and Giants play. "Nessa's his screener," says the activist DeRay Mckesson. "She'south tough." (Photograph past Getty Images)

As their relationship began to blossom, Nessa introduced Colin to a classmate of hers from Berkeley who held a principal's in African-American Studies and was pursuing his doctorate in African Diaspora Studies: Ameer Loggins. Left.

"Nessa wanted to have him in contact with people who she could trust non to steer him in the wrong direction," he tells me, "merely also to not exploit him to use him as a stepping rock for some capitalistic gain."

Loggins took on a role as Kaepernick's educational counselor, influencing less what his opinions should be, guiding more toward which ideas and beliefs exist. "Me and Colin started talking," says Left. "And I gave him The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Black Feminist Thought by Patricia Hill Collins was a text. Frantz Fanon'southward The Wretched of the Globe was a text. I might have said Ain't I a Woman. Merely what I was actually trying to do was give a well-rounded presentation—to develop a more nuanced framework to build upon."

These conversations—this exposure—took place before Colin ever took a knee. Before the protests, while he was notwithstanding studying the 49ers playbook and doing game-tape sessions and thousands and thousands of stomach crunches in the summer of 2016, Colin audited one of Loggins' classes at Berkeley on blackness representation in pop culture. "He was on time every day," Loggins says, "then would drive back to San Jose."

When Colin's protests began a few weeks later, a common reaction was that something—or someone—had gotten to Colin Kaepernick, to brand him pause the rules. That he'd inverse, been brainwashed—that this isn't the Colin I thought I knew. And this is not just in the increasingly open borders of the right-fly conspiratorial cyberspace, where the Obama Is Kenyan section, which became the Blackness Lives Thing Is A Terrorist Organisation section, is now the Kaepernick department. This is Steve King, who sits on the Subcommittee on the Constitution and Ceremonious Justice of the United states Congress, saying, "I empathise that he has an Islamic girlfriend that is his fiancee and that this has changed him and has taken on some different political views along the way" besides as "this is activism that's sympathetic to ISIS." This is Ray Lewis, who met with the president-elect at Trump Tower and who still has a job talking about football on television, saying that the Baltimore Ravens decided not to give Colin Kaepernick a multimillion-dollar job playing football game considering "his girl goes out and put out this racist gesture" on Twitter, which is a mess if a lie, a mess if the truth.

Colin backstage with Common (left) and Ameer

Colin backstage with Common (left) and Ameer "Left" Loggins (right) at the Know Your Rights Military camp in Chicago, which Colin paid for out of his ain pocket. "Colin represents an inconvenience," Loggins says. (Photograph by Karl Ferguson Jr. via Know Your Rights Army camp)

I'd been told theories virtually the brains behind Team Kaepernick, sometimes as a compliment, sometimes as an insult: "It's Colin, merely it'southward really Nessa"; "What he'due south doing, it's all that dude Left." The ideological homonyms echoed the unproblematic sentiment—that a guy like Colin Kaepernick, intellectually, is easy prey. And when those kinds of assumptions are fabricated in your direction, deriding your credibility and jumping to the assumption of either ignorance or radicalization, the natural human being urge is to defend yourself.

But as the negative commentary piled upwardly, Colin retreated. He scrap his natural language a little, in the style Obama falsely claimed he himself had not—inviting not just attacks only legitimate questions about his mission, about a long-term strategy that no i could see, that we all thought nosotros needed to run into, that none of us deserved to come across. What is he doing? What is he learning? What is he?

After a spring of being pitched to Team Kaepernick, equally "the writer" of "his profile," I began to let the persistent hesitation of his people, their public clumsiness, to allow for an objective summer. When Nessa hosted a block party in Brooklyn with Reebok, I strolled through—and stuck aroundeven after I was told she had left. I morn, hours before her afternoon show at Hot 97, I hovered around the studio on Hudson Street, not far from her and Colin'due south TriBeCa apartment building. As the summer, and Colin's football unemployment, dragged on, a common acquaintance was asked past Squad Kaepernick to decline an interview with me. Again and again, still, I'd bladder to people in Colin and Nessa's inner circumvolve that they still hadn't talked to me—nosotros'd talk about how foolish they were, how they didn't go information technology, how it was of import that we heard it from him.

Behind the skepticism of his public silence, however, Colin was speaking with people, making friends with figures he idea he needed to know. Colin wasn't campaigning equally an effort to win over the courtroom of public opinion. Colin Kaepernick just needed to get much better at thinking and speaking on behalf of Colin Kaepernick.

Mckesson likens his early on role to beingness a "celebrity switchboard" of sorts. "He asked me to put him in touch with Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, Mike Brown'south mom—I put him in touch on with Solange, Jesse Williams; it was random," Mckesson tells me. "Simply wait until y'all talk to him—he'south and then malleable and he's and so kind. That'southward why I feel bad for him: He'south like, 'I merely desire to do correct.'"

Colin backstage with Travon Free, Hasan Minhaj and J. Cole, whose Dreamville Foundation received a $34,000 pledge on Colin's way to donating $1 million.

Colin backstage with Travon Complimentary, Hasan Minhaj and J. Cole, whose Dreamville Foundation received a $34,000 pledge on Colin's way to altruistic $1 one thousand thousand. (Photograph courtesy of Travon Costless)

In August, for example, the Full Frontal with Samantha Bee author Travon Gratuitous posted a photo of himself, along with the Daily Evidence's Hasan Minhaj, Colin and J. Cole, backstage at the rapper's concert in Brooklyn. Looking at these guys—two comics, a jock and an MC, scrolling past on your feed—you could have mistaken it for a photograph opportunity. Simply look closer—at Ali and Malcolm on Colin's shirt, at I KNOW MY RIGHTS on Cole's, at the shorts that say, in sports-jersey cursive, "Dreamville"—and information technology becomes articulate that a necessary conversation ensued. Of form it did. The stakes are as well high, and the instances all too infrequent, for four prominent adult men of color not to talk nigh how we are to survive, in America.

Even the people standing atop the avalanche of shit—at the forefront of the retweeting, free-flowing forum of hateration—can agree that Colin has the "right" to kneel, even though he doesn't want to kneel forever. Past that logic, the same should be truthful for his silence: that he has every right to grow in private, before he steps out in public. Being black is hard enough. And public blackness is not something yous just put on comfortably, like a football jersey. Being publicly black is especially difficult if black wasn't a topic of conversation throughout your upbringing—your home, your school, your church—which, for Colin and his loving, adoptive, white parents, it wasn't, which makes Colin'south activism on behalf of blackness people and our systemic oppression all the more than intriguing. But here in America, in the year 2017, the kneejerk reaction to becoming, gradually, publicly black—eventually, a public blackness leader—is that, in silence, y'all are hiding, not preparing. Y'all either stay inside, until yous're a perfectly formed man being, or you step out and stay out until you slip up and are forced dorsum in. Until you are forced to beg.

And the internet does not know a lamb who'due south difficult to impale, and so few things are riskier than stepping out earlier you're fully polished. That catch-all "woke"—significant everything and nothing—is overused now, non as a sticker for the well-informed and -intentioned, simply equally a postage of disapproval for those who have messed up, and therefore aren't. To be a piece of work-in-progress is most unacceptable, because the currency that drives our civilization is not cocky-improvement, only instead the ongoing erosive process of each person, on each side, designating who is incorrect and who is right.

"Yous've got to give people space to develop idea, mature, change course," the political commentator Angela Rye tells me, about Colin, about all of u.s.. She, like many, was a vocal supporter of Colin, but had a moment of skepticism afterwards he proudly spoke about not voting. The days (and weeks, and months, the year) after the election were an piece of cake time to bespeak fingers, considering the outcome. "Merely later the anger," Rye says, comes the process of remembering the people who truly acquired alter in this country. "All of our advocates and protesters and agitators don't come from perfection."

The existent role of the Negro leader, in the eyes of the American Republic, was not to brand the Negro a excellent citizen simply to go on him content as a second-class i.

—James Baldwin

"I tweeted about it," the vocaliser John Legend told me this by July—it beingness "The Star-Spangled Banner," the reason being to question its history, to suggest perhaps a dissimilar song for this land to rally effectually, to show solidarity with Colin. Reflecting on the responses, Legend noted a frequent undertone—"this sense that nosotros should exist grateful to this country. Similar we're guests here, and should be more than gracious guests, with the tone that we should exist grateful that they tolerate us existence hither."

"In that location take been a lot of great things that have happened for black people here," Legend went on. "But it's always going to be a bit of a conflicted feeling, considering America has been really shitty to blackness people, for a long time."

Fable was riled up for Colin—about how "information technology's challenging to be this assuming, publicly, about something like this," and how proud he still was of Colin, whom he'd met when Colin was doing printing at the Super Bowl, with whom he'southward emailed over the last yr. (Legend has non played the anthem publicly since, he tells me, and he's still not sure he will.)

I thought most Colin'due south many conversations with this intelligent blackness celebrity cohort after Baronial'due south unrest in Charlottesville, equally a friend of my own—Asian-American—described being called a racist by his liberal, white, cocky-proclaimed-as-woke colleague, due to my friend'south online criticism of white America. "They need to tell you most everything they're doing to reduce and fight racism," he says, "like I should give you a cookie for cleaning up a shit you lot took in the corner."

We talked, just hours before I'd had lunch with a new friend, multiracial past definition, black to the stranger, and treated past his aristocracy white accomplice as annihilation merely—due to his success, the style he speaks, the visitor he keeps. "I'm the exception," my new friend said. "I hate it."

The articulate, overt racism is a beast in itself to fight, without the faux-liberalism further complicating the matter. But the race to unity is, and has always been, a trap. The inconvenience that is Colin Kaepernick brings this denial to the forefront, a presumption that this country is anywhere near a hug. We've talked near shit, but we haven't talked through anything. For white Americans to accept that things are bad—and then but jump ahead to kumbaya and #ImWithKap—is a profoundly deep-seated defense mechanism for hiding from what white America did, and continues to practise, to the rest of u.s.a.. The artist Kara Walker recently wrote "You Must Hate Black People Equally Much Every bit You Hate Yourself" as a subtitle for a new work, simply information technology could be this country's permanent headline.

The truth hurts white people. Colin Kaepernick has hurt white people, and that is why it's convenient to blackball him, because he holds America's worst nightmare: the mirror. And while the genuine apologies from the almost Black-Lives-Matter-sign-in-the-forepart-yard white person are endless, there is a real difference between guilt and understanding—understanding that null will alter unless you and people similar yous fix the mess that you lot unfairly inherited, from which you then unfairly still benefit, right now.

"What I've admired is that he's learning equally he goes forth, and he'southward publicly not just talking, but he'due south putting his money where his mouth is," John Legend says. "And he's doing all that despite receiving then much hate and antipathy from and then many people." (Photographs courtesy of Know Your Rights Camp)

Of white liberals, Baldwin said that "our racism situation would exist inconceivably more than grim if these people, in the teeth of the most fantastic odds, did not continue to appear; but they were almost never, of course, to be found at the bargaining table."

It rings, when y'all consider those who scold Colin Kaepernick for dividing us. And it stings, when Colin Kaepernick is castigated for the distraction of juggling activism and football game. But Colin's connected silence is a reminder that the bargaining table exists off the field, that the truthful battle is not about the potential backup quarterback for the Seattle Seahawks. Being white and progressive and putting your arm effectually a black player—that is necessary, proof that there is empathy for the situation that black Americans are facing right here, during this very moment. Only to think that that's it is to call back unity is adjacent, that the only direction to get is forward, not sideways or backward or whatever of the directions in the difficult, difficult piece of work that is progress.

Information technology's the worst thing about that give-and-take—progress—that it is some kind of become-out-of-jail-complimentary bill of fare on the by. In the future, there'due south promise, while the past represents luggage. For a long time, this was simply something that represented white America. But in that location's as well a black person, for whom only looking blindly forward brings a not bad deal of relevance, of power—to publicly square things upwardly with white people is to gain favor that few people e'er experience, with anyone. Information technology'due south levelheaded, information technology's intelligent, information technology'south a relief—proof these black people exist.

I spent years not understanding the appeal of a black person's catering and then callously to conservative whites. I had many of the same questions people have well-nigh Colin Kaepernick. Who got to them? Were they lost? Had they been radicalized, by a state club membership? Merely then, 6 months before seeing Become Out, information technology all made sense, and it wasn't hypnosis. In Cleveland, I found myself x feet behind Ben Carson at the Republican National Convention, as he did a lap inside the arena. The feet that I carried with me, as ane of the scattering of blackness people in the building, he did not evidence. Quite the contrary: Doc Ben seemed as comfy every bit ever as white people walked up to him to thank him, to remind him they'd given him money or to just touch on his shoulder.

Dr. Ben Carson, once a staple in the Black History Month new schoolhouse greatest hits section, had now even surpassed his continuing in black America. To us, he was someone we could hold upwards as further proof that black people could excel at annihilation. Just in that room, Doc Ben was the Messiah, the blackness man who came downward to clear the sins of any white person who would listen. He wasn't black, that day. He was just Ben.

And it fabricated sense, in an historic period when the wrong side of history doesn't last as long every bit it used to: If yous're blackness and you criticize Colin Kaepernick's tactics, from his kneeling to his silence, you volition exist a trending topic—which was better than before, when no ane cared about y'all; which is a rubber gamble, considering other news will replace you, should there be a backlash.

Colin is an unlikely leader for our times. But, Loggins says,

Colin is an unlikely leader for our times. But, Loggins says, "his opinion, it'south dangerous to some—this educational component—because people are learning." (Photographs past Getty Images)

On Saturday, May 6 of this twelvemonth, while President Trump was deciding how to fire the FBI director, and the white police officeholder who shot and killed the 15-year-old black football game player Jordan Edwards was returning dwelling house on bail, Colin Kaepernick was hosting his tertiary Know Your Rights Camp. (Information technology was too the last. They got expensive to pay for, out of pocket, for a guy without a reportedly $400,000-per-week paycheck anymore.) This was Chicago, South Side. Common was at that place, and so was Loggins, the bookish, the apparent brains behind the operation. The Nation columnist Dave Zirin chronicled the event, including Colin's speech communication to the kids, wherein he spoke virtually how to bargain with the cops, about how he loves his family unit back in Turlock, but also saying that "when I looked in the mirror, I knew I was different."

Aware of what is assumed—speculation by those who don't see Kaepernick in moments like these, or behind the scenes—Loggins is quick to explain what Colin's role is, as well as where anybody else'southward influences stop. "They were actually Colin'south concept," Left says of the camps. "Behind the scenes, people want to discredit Colin by way of affixing him to the stigma of the blackness athlete as being dumb. And then, I get this straw homo of sorts then people can say, 'Nah, information technology ain't Colin, it'southward the smart nigga that goes to Berkeley.'

"He's not a figurehead. That dude makes these decisions."

Yes, he has an human action in kneeling that has been mimicked, all the way down to youth athletics, a powerful sign of trickle-down activism. Yep, Colin will have masses of followers, because bravery inspires those who want, who can't and who might. And yes, Colin volition exist iconicized to a degree, from hashtags to outspoken celebrities such every bit Chance the Rapper and Dave Chappelle donning shirts of his defiant act, his afro doubling as a black fist of power. But ultimately, so far, Colin's most defiant act of leadership has been educating himself—and offering a mirror into his consciousness. He may exist unemployed, but existence Colin Kaepernick, the leader, is very much a job. Total-time.

Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the correct to protestation for right. And and so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or h2o hoses plough us around, nosotros aren't going to let any injunction plough united states around. Nosotros are going on.

—Dr. Martin Luther Rex Jr.

"More than Bob Marley!" A drunk old homo is yelling at the one-human act Jamus Unplugged as he sings "Because I Got High" by Afroman, the Saturday night soundtrack for the dining area hither at the Holiday Inn Express.

From the Detroit airport bar to this godforsaken hotel, I'd flown to a metropolis y'all'd only ever visit for football game Sundays, an American holy land known equally Green Bay. I had come up hither, having spent months apropos myself with Colin Kaepernick, to witness the beginning of a season in which he is not yet a participant, to lookout man and speak with the homo carrying his baton: a 31-year-old named Michael Bennett.

A place similar Greenish Bay gives you perspective on why football matters. It's for sport, but it'south also community—an entire boondocks, excited to spend months together, once a calendar week, in commemoration of its domicile squad. Running up South Oneida toward Lambeau Field presently after viii a.m., at that place are already Packer fans, preparing. Strolling upwards that street again at noon, pancakes and eggs and salary and sausage and toast and hash browns and coffee and orangish juice and water from IHOP deep in my belly, it's already a carnival of green and xanthous. Talk of activism seeps into my head—a boycott for Kap!—but that all disappears once I pace inside the stadium.

Sitting at the back of the press box, with a Where's Waldo? view of the Seahawks' sideline, I can come across the Blues Traveler frontman John Popper launch into "The Star-Spangled Banner" with his trusty harmonica. This moment—this is the America that could be sold in hell, bearded every bit fire.

Within a few notes, the bulk in the forepart row of the press box pull out binoculars. You don't need them for the flag, which is xl yards long and 16 people broad. We are paying attention for the sideline—in one case a place of ritualistic unity, now the site of individualism. And on this legendary field, during this time-honored vocal, on one side, Seattle'due south Michael Bennett, sitting on a metal bench; on the other, Green Bay'due south Martellus Bennett—his brother—raising a fist.

At the first rally for Colin outside NFL headquarters in New York, maybe 100 people showed up. By August, more than 1,000 did.

At the first rally for Colin outside NFL headquarters in New York, maybe 100 people showed upwards. Past Baronial, more than one,000 did. (Photographs by Getty Images)

It is a moment, only information technology is also one that volition laissez passer. In the starting time half, Martellus makes a catch for 12 yards and Michael gets a sack on Aaron Rodgers, punctuated by a pro wrestling-inspired pelvic thrust. It is a new flavor, and with it come up new expectations. The on-field protests are now a thing that nosotros exercise, which means—even with more frequency—that they are easier to block out. It's what happens after these newfound leaders retreat to their locker rooms, their tranquillity spaces, that will dictate our path frontwards.

"Everybody wants to think that in that location'due south not something going on," Michael Bennett says to me while sitting in his locker, which is punctuated by a statue of Black Santa Claus. "But you've got to exist able to testify the truth and shed light on the things that are happening outside of sports—pushing that message that there are so many inequalities out at that place, and so many things happening to people of color, whether it's African-Americans, Muslims, Hispanics."

It'south one thing for a player to prioritize equality over football, away from the field, wherever Colin Kaepernick is today. Simply to sit in a locker room, here in the football holy land, here in the state that put Donald Trump over the acme, simply minutes after the conclusion of a game—to recollect freely and courageously—that's absolutely necessary.

"Boycotting is a form of protest," Bennett tells me. "I call up if there is a cold-shoulder, it kind of shows that the consumer has power. Simply so it's like: What'southward the next step?"

Colin Kaepernick may never again play in the NFL. He also might, and if he does, protesting will be immune. ("Players are encouraged simply not required to stand during the playing of the national canticle," the NFL had to say for itself, for this story.) Either way, he's opened the door, one that people—not players, people—like Michael Bennett are willing to walk through. It's a unsafe door for America, one we aren't supposed to walk through—and one we were never supposed to observe.

One of these days
When you fabricated information technology
And the doors are open broad
Make sure you lot tell them exactly where it's at
So they have no place to hide

Langston Hughes told Nina Simone that, earlier he died. And while Colin is no Langston (and Bennett no Simone), what's behind that door has ever been the true history of this country.

Through that door, the truthful history of this country. Through that door, the unpleasant reasons behind this country'due south greatest success and failures. And through that door, flashbacks to all the times this state'due south means have helped y'all and the ones y'all've loved, all the ways it'due south hurt.

Colin Kaepernick constitute that door. He's been showing us where information technology is, for a year now. And information technology'south on us at present—all of us: to invite discomfort plenty to accept that walk, down this dangerous route that so few travel, and understand that yous could experience all this hurt, all this hurting, and so you could walk dorsum out into the same America you lot left behind.

"I'm a combat veteran from the Vietnam state of war and I could not be more proud of what Colin has chosen to do," the Kaepernicks' family friend tells me, earlier hanging upward the phone from Turlock. "It's what I fought for, the opportunity for someone who has a firm confidence in their behavior to stand up upwardly and speak their mind, or in this case have a knee for what he truly believes. And if anyone wants to brand a negative annotate about information technology, experience gratis. I frankly don't requite a shit. I admire him. He stood by his convictions. To be honest with you, I admire him more for what he's done in this past year than what he accomplished going to a Super Bowl or football stats. To me, this is more beauteous."


Rembert Browne, a former author-at-big at New York magazine and an alumnus of Grantland, is a contributing writer at B/R Mag. Follow him on Twitter: @rembert.

Click here to get B/R Mag on the get in the new B/R app for more sports storytelling worth your time, wherever you lot are.

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Source: https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2732670-colin-kaepernick-anthem-race-in-america

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